WEST BANK MURDERS

Article in Huff-Post shared by Nasik Elahi

One, by the killing of the three teenagers and, two, by the Israeli government’s (and the Jewish organizations here) ugly reaction to it. Ugly and political, designed to justify the war against Hamas that Netanyahu lusts for.

Prime Minister Netanyahu’s response was perhaps the most repulsive response to an event like this that I have ever seen by any national leader of a civilized country. He vows “revenge.” Revenge? Not Even George W. Bush used that term after 9/11, pledging instead to bring the people who committed the crime to justice. FDR after Pearl Harbor? The parents after Newtown?

Meanwhile other Israeli politicians and Jewish organizations here are in their “we are one” mode, which means standing together as Netanyahu blasts innocent Palestinians, and pretending that the settlement enterprise is not responsible for almost all of this.

Disgusting.

There is no Israeli action I would not support against those who perpetrated the crimes, ordered it or harbored the killers — and no act of collective punishment I would support. Collective punishment is a war crime and those who inflict it should be tried and convicted, nothing less.

 http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mj-rosenberg/west-bank-murders-what-ca_b_5548666.html

ARE TERRORISTS REALLY HIDDEN?

ARE TERRORISTS REALLY HIDDEN?

{Authored and Shared by Saadia Asad}

Currently there is an army operation going on by Pakistan Army to root out the terrorists hiding in North Waziristan. That is all well and good because we need to be rid of these heartless people, bent upon destroying us at all levels: security, sports, infrastructure, communications, international ties and so on But what of the terrorists with whom we are living day in and day out.

These are the people who beat up or behead their own sons and daughters for contracting love marriage, these are also the people who stand by and watch these proceedings without uttering a word, and these are the lawyers who let rape victims run away from court premises. These kind of terrorists are not living in hiding: who let a mentally disturbed man burn to death for blasphemy, who rape a five year old and abandon her to die, unwilling to admit DNA as a proof of a rape carried out or raise the marriage age for girls, who refuse to register FIRs, let witnesses be killed on their way to testify and accused get away. The weapons of these un-hidden terrorists are not guns and bombs, but narrow minds, swollen egos, illiteracy, misshapen ideas of self-glory and above all ignorance.

Pakistan faces external threats from terrorists whose motivation is power and dominance, internally from terrorists who are feeding and acting on their ignorance and being exploited.

If our army is fighting the former kind at borders, how to fend those off among us?

Countless young are sacrificed almost daily, on the basis of ill-conceived ideals of religion and honor. The corrupt and ineffective police, education, judicial system and governance bar the common man to exit this cocoon of misconceived ideas. Except for a few articles in newspapers, rarely does anyone raise a voice against these offences. Our education, our electronic media, our intellectuals and social workers need to form a front against these acts of social terrorism.

Together we need to rid society of this archaic, regressive mindset to create a society where young men and women can make, and stand up to their choices without fear of being persecuted and cry out foul with the conviction of being heard and dealt with fairly. Initially a system has to give support and protection, to later on get strong, supportive, progressive and patriotic members willing to work for its betterment, rather than bring destruction upon itself and others.

Saadia Asad

LHR. Pakistan

 

Manto – the literary Genius

 

Manto, age 102

Shared by Dr. Syed Ehtisham

Article written by  Asad Rahim Khan

Originally Published in The Express Tribune, June 24th, 2014.

Part of Pakist­ani traged­y is that Manto remain­s releva­nt today becaus­e it would still try him for obscen­ity.

They said he was a failure; the degenerate son of a dignified man. They said he was a pervert; that he wrote stories soaked in sex and murder. They said he was a pagan, who described the land of the pure in words that ached with impurity. At times they ran out of words — other times, they came up with the wrong ones: the progressives called him a reactionary, the reactionaries called him a rebel.

But they didn’t deny the obvious — not the Marxists, not the housewives, not the judges that tried him for obscenity before and after independence: that Saadat Hasan Manto was a genius.

He wasn’t so sure. ‘You know me as a story writer,’ he wrote to his readers, ‘and the courts of this country know me as a pornographer (…) I have tried to understand what I am. I want to know what my place in this country — called the largest Islamic state in the world — is. What use am I here?’

Half a century later, it’s a question with no easy answer. Manto’s life was bookended with blood: the Jallianwala Bagh massacre when he was just seven years old, and Partition not long before his death. But while Jallianwala moulded Manto, it was Manto that moulded Partition, leaving behind an opus that seared the subcontinent forever.

Because Manto is to Partition what Graves was to the Great War: when, between the man and the moment, beautiful literature is born. Saadat Hasan was many things — a romantic from Amritsar, a scriptwriter from Bombay, a radio persona from Delhi countering Axis propaganda during World War II.

But Manto was another matter — a man who wrote short stories in Urdu with satire like razor wire, who saw borders carved in blood all around him, but also the faintest of humanity in the cracks. It’s what made Manto’s work irresistible: that in the depths of darkness, the light shone through.

‘A couple of years after Partition,’ reads that infamous opening line, ‘it occurred to the respective governments of India and Pakistan that inmates of lunatic asylums, like prisoners, should also be exchanged.’

Manto’s best-known work, Toba Tek Singh, weaves mirth in madness. ‘One inmate dropped everything, climbed the nearest tree and installed himself on a branch, from which vantage point he spoke for two hours on the delicate problem of India and Pakistan. The guards asked him to get down; instead he went a branch higher, and when threatened with punishment, declared: “I wish to live neither in India nor in Pakistan. I wish to live in this tree.”

Wrote Manto, ‘When he was finally persuaded to come down, he began embracing his Sikh and Hindu friends, tears running down his cheeks fully convinced that they were about to leave him and go to India.’

Manto could empathise. It was hard, he said, to own Pakistan by disowning India — as Ayesha Jalal’s history-cum-biography pointed out, India was also the land he buried his father, his mother, and his first child. But nor does Manto fit the cynics’ idea that Pakistan was an aberration: he would celebrate Pakistan Day with his children, and help them put up flags all across the front of the house.

Says Ayesha Jalal, ‘the vision of Manto celebrating Pakistan Day to inculcate a sense of national identity among children may seem incongruous with his image as a conscientious objector unreconciled to Partition (…) a typical Mantoesque response would be to say that the problem lay with those expressing scepticism — insisting facile consistency implied delusion or dogmatism. He may have doubted the logic of Partition, but was the first to raise questions about the kind of films and literature Pakistan needed as an independent Muslim nation-state.’

But Saadat Hasan was always the first to raise questions, with a kind of foresight that has carried his work well into 2014. A witness to the Raj, Manto was bemused by Pakistan’s swapping British colonialism for its hipper American export: in Letters to Uncle Sam, Manto played the precocious nephew — who understands well in time that his awkward uncle will wreck the region.

Yet to read Manto, one could forgive the Americans: the natives manage that all on their own. Humanity is bruised and broken in Manto’s works, and more often than not, capable of unimaginable cruelty. In Black Margins, a series of sketches covering the gore of 1947, violence is laced with irony.

‘The rioters brought the train to a stop,’ goes one such story. ‘Those who belonged to the other religion were methodically picked out and slaughtered. After it was all over, those who remained were treated to a feast of milk, custard pies and fresh fruit. Before the train moved off, the leader of the assassins made a small farewell speech: “Dear brothers and sisters, since we were not sure about the time of your train’s arrival, we regretfully weren’t able to offer you anything better than this most modest hospitality. We would have liked to have done more.”’ End.

Part of the Pakistani tragedy is that Manto remains relevant today not just for the quality of his work, but because the Pakistan of 2014 is still a land where sects are slaughtered on buses. It is still a land where the unarmed are gunned down in Lahore. It is still a land that would try Saadat Hasan Manto for obscenity. And it is still a land where the lunatics run the asylum.

Perhaps all that’s left then, is to look for the light in the cracks. One story begins and ends: ‘The mob suddenly veered to the left, its wrath now directed at the marble statue of Sir Ganga Ram, the great Hindu philanthropist of Lahore. One man smeared the statue’s face with coal tar. Another strung together a garland of shoes and was about to place it around the great man’s neck when the police moved in, guns blazing.

‘The man with the garland of shoes was shot, then taken to the nearby Sir Ganga Ram hospital.’

In Manto’s works, the light is everywhere.

 

Mardin Fatwa & New Mardin Declaration

(Written by S Iftikhar Murshed and shared by Wequar Azeem)

A very interesting article.Does this mean that both Western Media and Muslim Media are wrongly blaming Wahabbism as the root cause of terrorism? Who is the real culprit? Taliban, JUI and majority of NWF is Deobandi. Although Deobandi and Wahabbi are considered cousins, but they hate each other and has differences in ideology. Are Deobandi happy that Wahabbis are getting all the blame and they are getting a free pass?  ( F. Sheikh).

Article

Friday,28th March 2014 marked the fourth anniversary of the adoption of the New Mardin Declaration by globally renowned Muslim theologians and academics from across the world including Saudi Arabia, Turkey, India, Senegal, Kuwait, Yemen, Bosnia, Mauritania, Iran, Morocco and Indonesia. They convened at the picturesque south-eastern Turkish city of Mardin on March 27-28, 2010 and accomplished more in a few hours than what that grotesquely inept outfit known as the Organisation of the Islamic Conference has been able to achieve in the four decades of its futile existence.


The meeting, which was jointly organised by the Artuklu University and the Global Centre for Renewal and Guidance, was chaired by the famed scholar and former vice president of Mauritania, Sheikh Abdullah bin Mahfudh ibn Bayyih. In the two days that the conference lasted, it critically examined and then exposed the deliberate textual distortions of the Mardin fatwa of Taqi ad-Din Ahmad ibn Taymiyyah (1263-1328). It is from the corrupted version of this decree that Al-Qaeda and its affiliated networks have derived their ideology which justifies mass murder and destruction in the name of Islam.


Though the fatwa was issued more than 700 years ago, its relevance to the terrorism-plagued contemporary world is undiminished. This was recognised by the Mardin scholars who accordingly decided “to take the fatwa from the specific geographical focus for which it was intended to a broader global focus and from the contingencies of Ibn Taymiyyah’s time to a timeless understanding.”


Ibn Taymiyyah was born in Haran, an obscure little town in the Mardin region, and was only seven at the time of the Mongol invasion of the area. His family, which consisted of some of the most well-known theologians of the times, was forced to flee to Damascus which was then ruled by the Mamluks of Egypt. But the damage insofar as Ibn Taymiyyah was concerned had already been done. At that tender age he had witnessed the atrocities perpetrated by the Mongols and was traumatised. Hideous memories of Mardin haunted him for the rest of his life. 


In Damascus he was taught Islamic jurisprudence by his father and steeped himself in the teachings of the Hanbali school of thought. Although Ibn Taymiyyah was soon acknowledged as the foremost religious authority of his times, he also became controversial. As early as 1293, he came into conflict with the local authorities for protesting the sentencing of a Christian on charges of blasphemy. Five years later he was accused of anthropomorphism (ascribing human characteristics to God) as well as for contemptuously criticising the legitimacy of dogmatic theology. 


Around that time Ibn Taymiyyah accompanied a delegation of the ulema to Mahmud Ghazan, the ruler of Mongol Empire’s Ilkhanate branch in Iran in order to persuade him to stop attacking Muslims. But suddenly ghastly scenes and images from his early childhood in Mardin came back to Ibn Taymiyyah, and, unable to restrain himself, he told the ruler bluntly: “You claim that you are a Muslim and you have with you muftis, imams and sheikhs but you have invaded us and reached our country for what? While your father and your grandfather, Hulagu, were non-believers, they did not attack and kept their promise. But you promised and broke your promise.”


This impassioned outburst brought Ibn Taymiyyah to the adverse notice of the authorities. He was subsequently jailed on several occasions for contradicting the opinions of the jurists and theologians of his day. On the orders of the Mamluk rulers of Cairo he was imprisoned in Damascus from August 1319 to February 1321 for propounding a doctrine that curtailed the ease with which a Muslim male could divorce his wife. He was incarcerated again in 1326 until his death two years later for issuing edicts that conflicted with the thinking of those in authority. 


But his fame had spread far and wide and his bier was followed by 20,000 mourners, many of them women who considered him a saint. It is ironic that Ibn Taymiyyah’s grave became a place of pilgrimage even though he was an exponent of the fundamentalist strand of Islam and is considered one of the principal forerunners of the Wahhabis.


It is against this background that the scholars at the Mardin conference moved on to a textual examination of Ibn Taymiyyah’s actual decree. He was pointedly asked whether his beloved land, Mardin, was an abode of war (dar al-kufr) or the home of peace (dar al-Islam). His answer was that an unprecedented composite situation had emerged. Mardin was neither an abode of peace where the Shariah prevailed nor was it a land of war because the inhabitants of the region were believers. Therefore, he decreed that “the Muslims living therein should be treated in accordance to their rights as Muslims, while the non-Muslims living there outside the authority of Islamic law should be treated according to their rights.”


This superbly nuanced ruling, which came to be known as the Mardin fatwa, was unmistakably peaceful in intent and was in accord with the teachings of Imam Ahmad ibn Hanbal (d. 855) who prohibited rebellion even against unjust authority in order to stave off anarchy and indiscriminate bloodshed. But the text was subsequently changed to read: “…while the non-Muslims living there outside the authority of Islamic law should be fought as is their due.”


This was done through the substitution of two letters in a single word. In the second version the word ‘yuamal’ (should be treated) had been rendered as ‘yuqatal’ (should be fought) as a result of which the purport of the decree was drastically altered. According to Sheikh Abd al-Wahab al-Turayri, an internationally acknowledged authority on Islamic jurisprudence and a former of professor at Riyadh’s al-Imam University, the only known copy of the original fatwa was the Zahiriyyah Library manuscript which had been archived at the Asad Library in Damascus. But unfortunately this was either not widely known or had been deliberately ignored. 


The corrupted version made its first appearance more than a hundred years ago in the 1909 edition of Ibn Taymiyyah’s ‘Fatawa’ that was printed and published by Faraj Allah al-Kirdi. This did incalculable damage because the error was never rectified and was not only republished time and again but also rendered into English, French and several other languages. 


It was used by the Egyptian ideologue Muhammad abd al-Salam Faraj (1954-1982) for his book ‘Al-Faridah ahl-Gaibah’ which posits that jihad is the sixth pillar of Islam and, in the words of Sheikh Abd al-Wahab al-Turayri, “has become a manifesto for militant groups” including Al-Qaeda and its affiliates. Faraj established the Jamaat al-Jihad in 1981 which assassinated President Anwar Sadat on 
October 6 of that year. He was executed six months later.

For the first time ever the distortions in the text of Ibn Taymiyyah’s fatwa were exposed and corrected by the Mardin conference. This was a remarkable achievement and was acclaimed worldwide as a crippling blow to the ideology of terrorism. The New Mardin Declaration which was adopted on the conclusion of the conference affirms unambiguously: “Anyone who seeks support from this fatwa for killing Muslims or non-Muslims has erred in his interpretation…It is not for a Muslim individual or a Muslim group to announce and declare war or engage in combative jihad…on their own.”


This is a sobering thought for the Pakistan government which has committed the supreme folly of initiating direct talks with the TTP, the first round of which was held 
on Wednesday. The outcome of the Mardin conference was summed up by its spokesman who said that the meeting had brought together “scholars and theologians from different persuasions within Islam. But united they stood: Islam condemns terrorism and indiscriminate murder.” This is the message that the government’s panel of negotiators should convey to the TTP shura as the futile talks with the outlawed group gathers momentum.